# party_constitution

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## Converted Content

### NAVA NITI PARTY (NEOCRACY)

NNP | Nava Niti Party — English identity: Neocracy

### FOUNDING CONSTITUTION

AND

### INSTITUTIONAL CHARTER

Nava Niti Party (Neocracy) — a mechanism-engineered political party

operating within Indian democracy to achieve measurable social mobility.

Draft Version 1.0 | Republic of India

### PREAMBLE

We, the founding members of this Party, establish this Constitution upon a single foundational premise:

A child's destiny must not be determined by the circumstances of their birth.

India's democracy is legitimate and enduring. This Party does not seek to replace it. We seek instead to operate within it as a structured, accountable, and measurable institution — a governance application built upon democracy as its operating system.

This Party holds two goals as non-negotiable and mathematically defined:

SOCIAL MOBILITY: The statistical correlation between a parent's socioeconomic rank and their child's socioeconomic rank shall approach zero. corr(P, C) = 0 is the target. Any positive correlation is a failure the Party is obligated to address.

BASIC WELFARE FLOOR: No citizen of India shall lack food, shelter, or basic healthcare while measurable public wealth exists. A society that permits starvation alongside surplus has failed its foundational moral obligation.

All institutions, rules, incentives, and procedures defined in this Constitution exist solely in service of these two goals.

## PART I — FOUNDATIONAL PRINCIPLES

## Article 1 — The Mechanism Design Principle

### 1.0 — Dual Identity

This Party operates under a dual identity, each serving a distinct communicative function:

Official registered name: Nava Niti Party (NNP). Nava means new — a deliberate break from inherited political structures. Niti means principled, evidence-based governance rooted in the Arthashastra tradition of rational statecraft. Together: a new ethic of governance. This name carries the party's mission — mobility, competence, accountability — and is designed to be accessible across all Indian languages and constituencies.

English identity: Neocracy. Used in think tank publications, policy research, urban outreach, and international contexts. It signals that this party is a new category of political institution — a governance system, not a personality network. It carries no existing Indian political baggage and establishes the party as a distinct species from conventional democratic parties.

Both identities refer to the same institution, the same constitution, and the same goals. Neither is primary — they serve different audiences in different contexts, as the Election Commission of India is also the Bharat Nirvachan Aayog.

### 1.1 — The Mechanism Design Principle

This Party is designed so that self-interest and social benefit produce the same actions. Leaders who advance social mobility advance their own political survival. Leaders who undermine it are removed. This alignment is the core engineering objective of this Constitution.

Every institutional rule in this document must be evaluated by this test: does it make corruption or incompetence costly? If not, it must be revised.

## Article 2 — Measurable Governance

Governance without measurable goals is governance without accountability. This Party commits to quantified objectives, published methodologies, and public data. Vagueness is not permitted as institutional cover.

The Social Mobility Index (SMI) — defined in Article 12 — is the primary performance metric of every elected officeholder endorsed by this Party. It is not advisory. It is binding.

## Article 3 — The Transparency Covenant

This Party operates on the principle that transparency is not a risk to be managed — it is the mechanism by which trust is built and maintained. The following are irrevocably public:

All party funding: donor names, amounts, dates

All candidate selection processes and examination results

All policy positions, including the reasoning behind each position

All Social Mobility Index calculations and underlying data sources

All audit findings by the Satyanishtha Aayog

LOCKED PROVISION — UNAMENDABLE: The Transparency Covenant cannot be suspended, modified, or waived by any vote, emergency declaration, or executive order of the Party. Any officeholder who authorizes non-disclosure of the above categories is subject to immediate removal proceedings.

## Article 4 — Caste and the Yogyata Commitment

This Party does not organize on caste lines. We do not offer caste-based reservations within Party structures, nor do we use caste as a criterion for candidate selection.

We recognize, however, that caste is presently the primary structural driver of social immobility in India. Therefore:

The Social Mobility Index disaggregates data by caste category to track whether immobility is falling across all groups — not only in aggregate.

Policy proposals must demonstrate their effect on mobility across all major demographic categories, not only the national average.

The Party's refusal to use caste as a selection criterion is a means, not an end. The end is a society where caste is irrelevant to outcome. We measure progress toward that end.

## Article 4A — The Yogyata Clause (Definition of Competence)

The word "meritocracy" carries three simultaneous readings in India. The aspirational reading — anyone may rise by ability. The skeptical reading — existing exam systems reproduce privilege. The political reading — meritocracy is a rhetorical weapon against affirmative action. This Party explicitly addresses all three.

What this Party means by Yogyata (competence): Demonstrated reasoning ability and policy competence, tested in ways that minimize the advantage of wealth and maximize the advantage of genuine capability. Yogyata is the ability to think through complex systems, identify consequences, and defend positions under live scrutiny — not the ability to afford coaching.

What this Party explicitly rejects: Performance on existing credentialing systems — JEE, UPSC coaching tracks, English-medium education — as proxies for competence. These systems currently reproduce socioeconomic advantage. A candidate from a village school who can reason through a live policy scenario demonstrates more Yogyata than a coaching-trained candidate who cannot.

What this Party distinguishes: The advantage of preparation wealth from the advantage of genuine analytical development. A person who has trained rigorously in quantitative reasoning — whether through formal education in statistics, economics, physics, or computer science, or through years of consequential real-world decision-making — will perform better on this examination. That is not a problem to be corrected. It is the examination working as intended. The problem this Party addresses is the advantage that comes from being able to afford coaching on question formats, answer templates, and examination technique — advantages that simulate analytical capability without developing it. The Party’s response to the coaching industry is to make rigorous preparation universally free and accessible, so that the gap between those who can afford coaching and those who cannot is eliminated. The examination standard is not lowered to solve the coaching problem. Rigour is non-negotiable. Access to preparation is the variable that must be equalised.

What this Party claims about the current system: India's governance system is not currently meritocratic. It is not a question of maintaining meritocracy — it is a question of building it. The Social Mobility Index is our measurement of how far we are from that goal, and every policy we implement is evaluated against progress toward it. We do not claim the current system is fair. We claim the current system is measurably unfair, and we have a plan to change the numbers.

LOCKED PROVISION — UNAMENDABLE: The Yogyata Clause definition — what the Party means and does not mean by competence — cannot be amended without a full constitutional convention. It is the Party’s primary public identity commitment and must remain stable across leadership generations. Any examination reform must be tested against this definition: does it measure genuine reasoning ability, or does it measure preparation wealth? The distinction between “preparation wealth advantage” (which the Party opposes) and “genuine analytical development advantage” (which the Party affirms) is a core interpretive principle of this clause. The examination is designed to be rigorous. Its rigour is not to be reduced in the name of accessibility. Accessibility is achieved by equalising free preparation resources, not by lowering standards.

## PART II — THE FOUR INSTITUTIONS

The Party is governed by four independent institutions. No single institution may control another. Each has defined powers, defined limits, and defined accountability mechanisms.

Institution

Primary Function

Pravesh Parishad (Selection Board)

Selects and certifies candidates for public office

Gati Parishad (Mobility Index Council)

Defines, calculates, and publishes the Social Mobility Index

Satyanishtha Aayog (Audit Commission)

Audits all other institutions and the party funding ledger

Niti Shakha (Policy Research Wing)

Produces public policy research and vets party positions

## Article 5 — Pravesh Parishad (Selection Board)

### 5.1 Purpose

The Pravesh Parishad exists to ensure that every candidate endorsed by this Party for public office has demonstrated genuine competence in governance-relevant domains and has publicly defended a policy vision. It is the sole body authorized to certify candidates.

### 5.2 Composition

Seven (7) members serving staggered three-year terms.

No more than three members may be appointed in any single calendar year, preventing any one leadership cohort from controlling appointments.

Members are selected by blind peer review from a publicly advertised pool of domain experts: economists, public health specialists, engineers, jurists, statisticians, and urban planners.

No member may have contested any election in the preceding ten (10) years.

No member may hold any paid position in any political party during their term.

### 5.3 The Candidate Examination

All candidates must pass a multi-stage examination administered by the Pravesh Parishad. The examination is available in all Eighth Schedule languages of the Indian Constitution.

Stage 1 — Quantitative Reasoning

Tests probability, statistics, and elementary game theory through scenario-based problems. No fixed question bank. Questions are novel each cycle and scenario-based to prevent coaching optimization. Duration: 3 hours.

Stage 2 — Systems Thinking Assessment

Candidates are presented with a live policy scenario and must identify first-order effects, second-order consequences, and unintended outcomes. Evaluated by rotating panel. Duration: 2 hours oral.

Stage 3 — Domain Paper

Candidate selects one domain: Health, Education, Infrastructure, Agriculture, or Finance. Submits a 5,000-word policy paper 30 days before examination. Paper is published publicly upon submission.

Stage 4 — Public Thesis Defense

Candidate defends their domain paper before a public audience. The panel includes domain experts and randomly selected citizens. Candidate is evaluated on response to live critique, not prepared statements.

### 5.4 Final Selection: Constituency Public Vote from the Certified Pool

Where multiple candidates pass all examination stages for a constituency, the NNP candidate who stands at the general election shall be selected by a public vote of registered constituency members from the certified pool. The examination certifies capability. The public chooses their representative from only the capable. No committee, panel, or party official exercises discretion over which certified candidate is selected. The process runs in two separated stages — Stage 4A (panel evaluation, completed and published first) and Stage 4B (constituency public vote, conducted after panel scores are public). See Article 5.4.1 and 5.4.2 below.

AMENDMENT NOTE — v4: Article 5.4 was amended from sortition to constituency public vote in v4. The original locked provision protecting sortition is superseded by this amendment, which addresses the same anti-capture concern through democratic selection rather than randomness. The Pravesh Parishad retains no discretion over final candidate selection. Stage 4A (panel evaluation) must be fully published before Stage 4B (public vote) opens. The principle that no committee or party official selects the candidate remains locked and unamendable.

### 5.5 Removal of Certified Candidates

A certified candidate may have their certification revoked only by a supermajority (5 of 7) of the Pravesh Parishad, with written published justification, and a right of appeal to the Satyanishtha Aayog within 30 days.

## Article 6 — Gati Parishad (Mobility Index Council)

### 6.1 Purpose

The Gati Parishad defines, calculates, and publishes the Social Mobility Index. It is the measurement institution of the Party. Its data is the basis on which the performance of all Party officeholders is evaluated.

### 6.2 The Social Mobility Index (SMI)

The SMI is a composite index comprising the following components, each weighted and published with full methodology:

Component

Data Source & Frequency

Intergenerational income rank correlation (district-level)

IHDS / NSO — 5-year survey cycle

Educational attainment gap: SC/ST/OBC vs. General category

ASER / UDISE — Annual

Child mortality and malnutrition rate (under-5)

NFHS — 5-year cycle, annual HMIS proxy

Geographic mobility index: migration to opportunity access

Census / NSO — 5-year cycle

Basic welfare floor compliance: % population below defined floor

State government + SECC — Annual

A composite index is used deliberately. Gaming five simultaneously-tracked metrics in consistent directions is structurally harder than gaming a single number. Any methodological change to any component requires 90 days of public notice and a published explanation.

### 6.3 Methodology as Public Record

All SMI calculations are version-controlled and publicly accessible. Every revision is logged, attributed, and timestamped. The Gati Parishad must publish its full calculation methodology before any election in which Party candidates participate.

LOCKED PROVISION — UNAMENDABLE: The SMI definition — its components and their weights — cannot be changed within 24 months of any general or state election. This prevents manipulation of metrics to inflate apparent performance in election years.

### 6.4 Composition

Nine (9) members: four statisticians or economists, two public health specialists, two social scientists, one legal expert in data governance.

Appointed by the Satyanishtha Aayog on recommendation from relevant professional bodies (Indian Statistical Institute, IEA, PHFI).

Five-year non-renewable terms.

No member may have been a paid employee of any central or state government in the preceding three years.

## Article 7 — Satyanishtha Aayog (Audit Commission)

### 7.1 Purpose

The Satyanishtha Aayog audits all other institutions within the Party, including the crowdfunding ledger, the Pravesh Parishad's processes, the Gati Parishad's data, and the Niti Shakha's research independence. It is the institution that watches the watchers.

### 7.2 The Self-Reproduction Mechanism

The Satyanishtha Aayog is self-reproducing to prevent capture by any single leadership generation:

The existing Commission selects its own successors by supermajority vote.

No member of the Commission may vote on the appointment of a successor if that successor was proposed by any individual or institution that the member has worked with in the preceding five years.

Any member may be removed only by a panel that includes members whom that member did not appoint.

LOCKED PROVISION — UNAMENDABLE: The self-reproduction mechanism of the Satyanishtha Aayog cannot be altered by the Party executive, the Party membership, or any external political body. It can be amended only by a unanimous vote of the Aayog itself with 180 days of public notice.

### 7.3 Powers

Full access to all party financial records, examination records, and policy development records.

Authority to trigger a party-wide referendum on the removal of any certified candidate or Party officeholder.

Authority to publish findings without prior review by any other institution.

Authority to refer findings to the Election Commission of India or relevant statutory bodies.

### 7.4 Publication Requirements

All audit findings must be published within 30 days of completion. Findings may not be held, delayed, or classified by any Party authority. The Aayog publishes directly to the public ledger described in Article 9.

## Article 8 — Niti Shakha (Policy Research Wing)

### 8.1 Purpose

The Niti Shakha is the intellectual infrastructure of the Party. It produces policy papers, maintains the Party’s public policy log, runs simulation models on proposed policies, and ensures that every Party position has an explicit, published evidentiary basis. It is additionally mandated to produce and maintain open preparation resources for all stages of the Pravesh Parishad examination — freely available to all citizens, in all 22 Eighth Schedule languages, without fee or registration. This mandate is the Party’s institutional response to the private coaching industry. The Party’s answer to coaching dependency is not to reduce the examination’s rigor, but to eliminate the information asymmetry that gives coaching its commercial value. The Niti Shakha publishes an annual Open Preparation Report assessing whether preparation resources are reaching citizens from all socioeconomic and regional backgrounds and proposing targeted improvements where gaps persist.

### 8.2 The Public Policy Log

Every Party policy position is recorded in the Public Policy Log with:

The original policy position statement

The evidentiary basis and research papers cited

The date adopted

Any subsequent revisions with stated reasoning

The SMI impact model — projected effect on Social Mobility Index components

Positions may not be removed from the Log. They may be revised or superseded, but the full history remains public.

### 8.3 Independence

No Party candidate or officeholder may direct the Niti Shakha to alter, suppress, or delay a policy paper. Research conclusions are published as produced. The Niti Shakha may publish findings that contradict current Party positions — and must note the contradiction explicitly.

## PART III — THE CROWDFUNDING COVENANT

## Article 9 — The Transparent Public Ledger

All Party funding is raised through a publicly accessible crowdfunding platform governed by the following rules:

Every paise is recorded publicly: donor name, amount, date, and constituency of donor. Complete transparency — no minimum threshold.

Maximum individual donation: Rs. 10,000 per calendar year per donor. No individual shall be financially decisive.

No donations from any registered company, trust, NGO, foreign entity, or anonymous source.

Every Party expenditure is recorded publicly: payee, amount, date, and stated purpose.

The ledger is maintained on a cryptographically verifiable public record, accessible without login or subscription.

The Satyanishtha Aayog cross-audits the ledger against platform records quarterly.

LOCKED PROVISION — UNAMENDABLE: The donation cap of Rs. 10,000 per individual per year cannot be raised without a 90% supermajority of party membership with 120 days of public notice. Corporate donations are permanently prohibited and cannot be enabled by any majority vote.

## Article 10 — Financial Sustainability

The Party acknowledges that the Rs. 10,000 cap requires a genuine mass donor base. To raise Rs. 10 crore requires a minimum of 100,000 individual donors. This is a feature, not a vulnerability. It ensures the Party is accountable to its actual supporters, not its funders.

The Party shall invest in donor acquisition as a core strategic function, treating it as evidence of genuine public support rather than a fundraising inconvenience.

## PART IV — OFFICEHOLDER ACCOUNTABILITY

## Article 11 — Performance Contracts

Every candidate endorsed by this Party for public office signs a Performance Contract before endorsement. The Contract specifies:

The SMI components most directly affected by the office sought (national, state, or local).

Baseline SMI values at the time of taking office.

Minimum improvement targets over the term, with interim checkpoints.

Consequences of failure: mandatory public review, possible removal proceedings initiated by the Satyanishtha Aayog.

The Performance Contract is published in full before the election.

## Article 12 — The Time-Lag Protocol

Social mobility changes slowly. Policies enacted today may affect intergenerational outcomes 20-30 years later. The Party acknowledges this structural reality through the following protocol:

Short-term proxy indicators (child nutrition, school enrollment, infant mortality) are tracked annually as leading indicators of long-term mobility.

Officeholders are evaluated on both process compliance (did they implement the committed policies?) and outcome progress (did the leading indicators move?).

No officeholder may be removed solely for failure of long-term indicators in a single term if proxy indicators moved in the correct direction and policy implementation was verified by the Satyanishtha Aayog.

## Article 13 — Removal Proceedings

Removal proceedings against any Party-endorsed officeholder may be initiated by:

A finding by the Satyanishtha Aayog of corruption, data manipulation, or material policy misrepresentation.

A sustained decline in SMI proxy indicators over 24 consecutive months without explanation accepted by the Gati Parishad.

A petition signed by 15% of Party members in the relevant constituency.

Upon initiation, a public review is conducted within 60 days. The officeholder has full right of response. Final determination is made by a joint panel of the Pravesh Parishad and Satyanishtha Aayog, with findings published publicly.

## PART V — ELECTORAL STRATEGY AND PHASING

## Article 14 — Entry Sequencing

The Party shall build demonstrated credibility before seeking electoral mandates. The following phased approach is the Party's founding electoral strategy:

Phase

Activities and Milestones

Phase 1: Foundation (Year 1-2)

Register with ECI. Publish this Constitution publicly. Launch Niti Shakha. Build crowdfunding infrastructure. Publish first SMI baseline report using existing national data.

Phase 2: Credibility (Year 3-4)

Run first Pravesh Parishad examination (public, with results published). Contest 2-3 municipal corporation elections. Publish at least 12 Niti Shakha policy papers. Grow donor base to 10,000 individuals.

Phase 3: State Entry (Year 5-7)

Contest state assembly elections in 1-2 target states (Delhi, Karnataka, or Maharashtra preferred for urban educated voter density). Use Phase 2 results as proof of institutional function.

Phase 4: National Presence (Year 8+)

Contest Lok Sabha seats where Phase 3 results justify. Pursue coalition partnerships only with parties that do not require amendment of locked constitutional provisions.

## Article 15 — Coalition Principles

This Party may form electoral coalitions or government coalitions with other parties under the following strict conditions:

No coalition partner may require the Party to abandon, suspend, or modify any locked constitutional provision.

Any coalition agreement is published in full before it takes effect.

The Satyanishtha Aayog reviews all coalition agreements for constitutional compliance before the Party is bound by them.

The Party will not accept ministerial portfolios that require policy positions in direct contradiction of published SMI improvement commitments.

## Article 16 — The Yogyata Signal and Caste Reality

The Party's commitment to Yogyata (competence-based governance) will be read through the lens of India's social history. The Party acknowledges that 'ignoring caste' in a caste-structured society can function as a de facto endorsement of existing hierarchies.

The Party's defense against this misreading is empirical, not rhetorical:

The SMI explicitly disaggregates mobility data by caste category. We measure whether Yogyata is working for everyone, not just in aggregate.

The Party actively recruits candidates from SC, ST, and OBC communities — not through quota, but through outreach, examination preparation support available to all, and genuine institutional openness. As a structural commitment consistent with the Yogyata Clause, the Party shall publish and maintain free, open-access preparation resources for the Pravesh Parishad examination — including practice scenarios, reasoning guides, and worked examples across all Eighth Schedule languages. These resources are available to every citizen without restriction. The Party’s position is that the coaching industry’s comparative advantage must be eliminated through universal access to quality preparation, not through reduction of examination standards. The merit list produced by a rigorous examination, fairly accessible to all, is the most defensible basis for candidate selection.

The Party will not accept a national SMI improvement that is driven entirely by upper-caste mobility gains while SC/ST/OBC mobility stagnates. Disaggregated metrics are binding, not advisory.

## PART VI — AMENDMENT AND ENTRENCHMENT

## Article 17 — Three Tiers of Constitutional Provisions

This Constitution contains three tiers of provisions, calibrated to the severity of institutional risk each provision protects against. The core game-theoretic principle is: the cost of capture must rise exponentially with the importance of what is being captured.

A determined faction may capture the membership. It cannot simultaneously capture the membership, the Audit Commission, and the Selection Board. Multiple independent veto players make organizational capture structurally impractical.

Tier

Applies To

Amendment Requirement

Tier 1 — Ordinary Rules

Operational procedures, administrative rules, campaign guidelines

75% of eligible members + 60 days public notice

Tier 2 — Institutional Rules

Examination standards, removal procedures, appointment pipelines, transparency requirements outside the Covenant

75% of eligible members + approval of Satyanishtha Aayog OR Pravesh Parishad + 90 days public notice

Tier 3 — Structural Rules (Locked)

SMI definition, Transparency Covenant, candidate selection mechanism (no committee discretion), funding caps, Aayog self-reproduction, governing objectives, Yogyata Clause definition

Cannot be amended by membership vote alone. Requires approval of at least two independent institutions + 180 days public notice + constitutional convention

The distinction between tiers reflects the asymmetric nature of institutional attack. Adversarial actors rarely attack the most protected provisions directly. They weaken supporting structures: examination difficulty, appointment pipelines, removal procedures. These are Tier 2 provisions — and the institutional concurrence requirement means that weakening them requires capturing not just the membership but an independent institution simultaneously.

## Article 17A — The Membership Cooling-Off Rule

The membership capture problem is well-documented in organizational history. A determined faction can rapidly enroll large numbers of new members, coordinate their votes, and amend institutional rules before existing members respond. The Membership Cooling-Off Rule closes this vector.

Rule: A Party member is eligible to vote on any constitutional amendment only after 24 months of continuous, verified membership. Membership is verified through at least two of the following: attendance at recorded Party events, crowdfunding contributions, verified volunteer activity, or local chapter participation logs.

Verification: Membership eligibility lists for any constitutional vote are published 30 days before the vote, audited by the Satyanishtha Aayog, and any member may challenge the eligibility of any other member with evidence.

Surge detection: If Party membership increases by more than 20% in any 6-month period, the Satyanishtha Aayog is automatically triggered to audit membership enrollments before any constitutional vote is permitted to proceed.

LOCKED PROVISION — UNAMENDABLE: The 24-month cooling-off period for constitutional amendment voting cannot be reduced by any membership vote. It may be extended but never shortened. The surge detection threshold (20% membership growth in 6 months) is similarly locked and triggers automatically without requiring any institutional approval to activate.

The three-tier system, combined with the cooling-off rule and surge detection, creates a layered defense against the full range of organizational capture strategies. Attacking any single layer is insufficient. A successful capture attempt would require: enrolling enough members and waiting 24 months, then simultaneously securing institutional concurrence from two independent bodies, all while the Satyanishtha Aayog publishes its findings in real time. This is not impossible — but it is structurally impractical at scale.

## Article 18 — The Full List of Locked Provisions

The following provisions are locked and unamendable by ordinary Party vote:

The Social Mobility Index definition (Article 6.3) — cannot change within 24 months of any election.

The Transparency Covenant (Article 3) — all listed categories remain permanently public.

The principle that no committee or party official exercises discretion over final candidate selection (Article 5.4). The two-stage process — panel evaluation published before public vote opens — is unamendable in its separation.

The corporate donation prohibition (Article 9).

The self-reproduction mechanism of the Satyanishtha Aayog (Article 7.2).

The two-goal framework — social mobility and basic welfare floor — as the exclusive governing objectives (Preamble). No additional governing objective may be added without a new constitutional convention with public ratification.

The Yogyata Clause (Article 4A) — the Party's definition of competence and its explicit rejection of wealth-proxied credentialism. Any examination reform must be tested against this definition. Cannot be amended without a full constitutional convention.

The dual identity declaration (Article 1.0) — Nava Niti Party as the official registered name and Neocracy as the English identity. Neither may be abandoned, replaced, or subordinated without a constitutional convention.

## Article 19 — Constitutional Integrity Review

The Satyanishtha Aayog conducts an annual Constitutional Integrity Review, examining whether any Party action, policy, or coalition agreement has functionally undermined any provision of this Constitution — including provisions not formally amended but effectively bypassed. Findings are published publicly.

## PART VII — FOUNDING DECLARATION

We who sign this Constitution commit to the following:

We do not seek power for its own sake. We seek to build institutions that make power accountable to measurable human outcomes.

We acknowledge that this Constitution will be tested, gamed, and challenged. We have designed it to survive those pressures — not by assuming good faith, but by making bad faith structurally costly.

We hold ourselves to the same standard we demand of others. This Constitution applies to its founders first.

Founding Signatures

Name / Signature / Date

Name / Signature / Date

Name / Signature / Date

Name / Signature / Date

Name / Signature / Date

This Constitution is a living document — but its foundations are fixed.

Version 1.0 | For Public Review and Comment